Opinió
-
Jordi Armadans: Senyores i senyors, una evidència: Chávez té llums i ombres
Jordi Armadans
06.03.2013
-
David Segarra: Els somnis de Chávez, els nostres somnis
David Segarra
06.03.2013
-
Beppe Grillo i la nova política
Marcel Farinelli
05.03.2013
-
Eva Clausó: 'Durant molts anys vaig treballar sense cap mena de contracte'
Eva Clausó
04.03.2013
-
Andreu G. Nandín: 'El Pirineu, quiet i mut davant la càmera'
Andreu González Nandín
02.03.2013
-
Carta de comiat d'Eva Clausó de la corresponsalia de TV3
Eva Clausó
01.03.2013
-
Un Mobile World Congress de rècord total, dia per dia
Carles Rabadà
01.03.2013
-
Miquel Ramos: Per molts anys de Falles Populars i Combatives!
Miquel Ramos
01.03.2013
-
Tonetxo Pardiñas: 'Demanem respecte de la classe política envers la llengua'
Tonetxo Pardiñas
28.02.2013
-
Rocío Martínez-Sampere: 'Hem de dir sí a Catalunya: reivindicació nacional i model social són indestriables'
Rocío Martínez-Sampere
27.02.2013
-
Sara Alivesi: 'Ha guanyat la novetat perquè la gent està cansada dels partits tradicionals'
Sara Alivesi
26.02.2013
-
Maria Folch: 'Ens haurem tret de sobre Berlusconi quan es mora'
Maria Folch
26.02.2013
-
Neelie Kroes: Per un ciberespai lliure i segur
Neelie Kroes
23.02.2013
Francesc-Marc Álvaro
09.04.2014
Rajoy and Rubalcaba strengthen the Catalan sovereignty process
The debate in the Spanish Congress to request the transfer of powers for a referendum to the Government of Catalonia has shown five important things:
First, the inflexible, closed attitude of the two major Spanish parties, under the leadership of Mariano Rajoy and Alfredo Perez Rubalcaba, strengthens the sovereignty process by reinforcing the idea that the best—and only--Catalan reform is an independent Catalan state. The offer to try to amend the Constitution is, as everyone knows, a mere rhetorical device. This is because clear majorities across the Spanish state oppose any substantive change that is proposed by Catalonia.
Second, Rajoy said solemnly that he recognizes no grievance that Catalonia suffers today, whether economic, social, cultural, or political, and therefore assumes that the conflict between Catalan society and powers of the Spanish state is an inexplicable whim, a craze, an oddity, and a mystery that does not deserve anything other than watchful containment. Ortega y Gasset said in 1932, during the discussion of the (original) statute on Catalan autonomy, that "el problema catalán sólo se puede conllevar” [there is nothing else that can be done about the Catalan problem more than bear it]. Rajoy, in his paralysis, does what the well-known intellectual recommended.
Third, the debate in Congress demonstrates before international observers that the Spanish government relies only on the automatic application of the law to solve a historical problem of great dimensions that, sooner or later, will also be an issue of European dimensions. Especially significant is the following sentence that Rajoy cooly uttered: "And do not talk to me about Scotland." Today, the morning after, the European governments should be more worried by Rajoy's attitude than by the three Catalan deputies’ request for permission to vote.
Fourth, Catalan advocates of the so-called "third way” are the great losers in the congressional debate, because Rajoy has not made any gesture—not even one—that can be favorable to such an idea. Certain Catalan elites have not been able to influence the rhetoric of the head of the Spanish government, as is now exhibited in front of the whole country. Will that now open up substantial reflection among the very business and financial sectors that have so severely criticized President Mas in recent months?
Fifth and lastly, the speeches of Turull, Rovira, and Herrera have painted a picture that is plural, serious, and clear of what a majority of Catalan society is asking for. Beyond the tone of individual deputies, their totality has proved effective and educational. It has served to bring to many Spaniards and to many international media a real sense of the right to decide, which is the extension of democracy and the distribution of power in a peaceful manner. Among the speeches made by representatives of the parliamentary groups, special mention must be given to the speech of the republican Alfred Bosch, with its fine irony, forcefulness, and elegance.
Article originally published on the blog of the author, Diari de la desconnexió. Translation by Roger Evans.
Editorial
-
La manera de guanyar importa
Vicent Partal
27.07.2015
-
La fi de Pujol i la fi de la Catalunya autònoma
Vicent Partal
25.07.2015
-
7 contra 155?
Vicent Partal
24.07.2015
-
El 155 o l'evidència de la desesperació
Vicent Partal
23.07.2015
-
Rajoy i els conceptes més elementals
Vicent Partal
22.07.2015
-
Anem a totes
Vicent Partal
21.07.2015
-
Ciutadans contra el(s) valencià(ns)
Vicent Partal
20.07.2015
-
Contra la revolució
Vicent Partal
17.07.2015
-
Les tres explicacions que no entendran mai
Vicent Partal
16.07.2015
-
Setanta-cinc dies per a treballar tots com bojos
Vicent Partal
15.07.2015
-
Bones vibracions…
Vicent Partal
14.07.2015
-
Turbulències, també a Podem
Vicent Partal
13.07.2015
-
Lleida és un gran exemple
Vicent Partal
10.07.2015
-
I ara un parell de preguntes
Vicent Partal
09.07.2015
-
Entre Irlanda i la CUP
Vicent Partal
08.07.2015
-
(In)justícies
Vicent Partal
07.07.2015
-
La democràcia té límits?
Vicent Partal
06.07.2015
-
Persistència per a guanyar
Vicent Partal
05.07.2015
-
Sumar
Vicent Partal
03.07.2015
-
L’embolic d’Iceta amb el 9-N
Vicent Partal
02.07.2015
-
Contra la 'llei mordassa'
Vicent Partal
01.07.2015
-
Europa, en perill
Vicent Partal
30.06.2015
-
A les vostres mans
Vicent Partal
29.06.2015
-
La trampa
Vicent Partal
26.06.2015
-
El retorn de la Generalitat
Vicent Partal
25.06.2015












